PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE
Rebuilding the U.S. Military
The initial steps taken by President George W. Bush to rebuild
U.S. naval and military strength should be reassuring not only to Americans
but to all peace-loving people throughout the world. The nation's
new commander in chief has made it clear, by both words and actions,
that he will provide the funding needed not only for military pay
and current combat readiness but also for the advanced technology
and additional procurement needed to ensure that U.S. forces will
be even more combat-ready in the foreseeable future.
He also has taken the necessary first political and diplomatic steps
toward the building of a national missile defense (NMD) system and--in
the way he handled the Hainan incident and approved new arms sales
to Taiwan--sent two important messages: The United States will not
apologize for taking whatever peaceful legal steps are necessary
to protect its own political and economic interests throughout the
world; but it will stand by its allies when their interests are threatened.
I respectfully suggest that the next step in what will necessarily
be a long-term restoration and recapitalization process should be
a public commitment to rebuild the U.S. Navy to an active fleet of
approximately 370 ships, which numerous studies have determined is
what the Navy needs to carry out all of the missions assigned to
it by the national command authorities and the regional commanders
in chief (CINCs). Included in that total should be 15 nuclear-powered
aircraft carriers (CVNs), the number consistently validated by the
Joint Chiefs of Staff as the minimum required to maintain a carrier
presence in the most likely areas of potential international crisis.
In recent years, with only 12 carriers in the active fleet, the Navy
has had to rely on a dangerous and militarily imprudent "gapping" policy
that leaves one or more of those crisis areas without a carrier for sometimes
months at a time. President Bush should formally renounce the gapping
policy in favor of a common-sense policy that matches resources to requirements.
Congress--which has its own Constitutional responsibility to "provide
for the common defense"--can, and should, support this effort
by authorizing, this year, the construction of two more CVNs. Such
authorization would serve as immediate legislative ratification of
the president's defense policy and, not incidentally, save hundreds
of millions of taxpayer dollars in long-term shipbuilding costs.
The rebuilding of the U.S. military will require additional funding
for the procurement and RDT&E (research, development, test, & evaluation)
accounts of all of the nation's armed services, and that funding should
be authorized under a "total systems" approach that provides
for the acquisition not only of major platforms (ships and aircraft)
but also the weapons, sensors, and electronics and avionics systems
that will be the key to combat success on the integrated network-centric
battlefields of the future.
Carriers should be the first priority, though, for three reasons.
First, they take longest to build, so an early start is imperative.
Second, the Navy's forward-deployed carrier battle groups are now,
in many areas of the world, the only fully combat-ready forces immediately
available to the national command authorities and warfighting CINCs
in times of international crisis. Third, they represent the best
investment of taxpayer dollars. Today's carriers are built to last
50 years. They are extremely fast and extremely mobile, and can operate
in any area of the world. Finally, except for submarines, the U.S.
Navy's aircraft carriers are the least vulnerable and most highly
survivable naval/military assets possessed by any nation in the world.
Also of critical importance is the imperative to recapitalize naval
aviation's rapidly aging force of fixed- and rotary-wing aircraft.
Navy and Marine Corps aircraft are, on average, older than at any
earlier time in the 90-year history of naval aviation. Increased
funding for aircraft procurement is absolutely essential if the
services are to balance the ongoing modernization of today's naval air force
with the acquisition of tomorrow's.
The primary purpose of this long-term recapitalization, it should
be emphasized, would be to deter war, to "give peace a chance," as
the saying goes. But if war were to break out, by accident
or because of an enemy's miscalculation, a modernized U.S. military would
be able to make the war as short as possible and to keep the casualties
on both sides to a minimum.
When Ronald Reagan took office as president two decades ago
one of his principal goals also was to "rebuild the military," which in
the late 1970s had become what many described as "a hollow force." He
achieved that goal, and the direct result, less than a decade
later, was the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact and the breakup
of the Soviet Union.
Like his illustrious predecessor, President Bush has inherited
a defense establishment that is long on commitments and responsibilities
but short on resources. The result of his rebuilding efforts will
be a naval/military force, combat-ready in all respects, that is
capable not only of protecting U.S. interests throughout the world
but also of preserving global peace and stability for perhaps decades
to come.
No leader of any nation could leave a more noble or more lasting
legacy.