The Budget Year Ahead: Hill to Cast Piercing
Light on Navy Cost-Cutting
With lawmakers concerned that the Pentagon’s
ambitious long-term plans may not match fiscal reality, Capitol
Hill is expected to zero in on the military’s ability
to keep costs at bay on many of its priciest technology transformation
programs.
Naval programs, long subject to intense congressional
oversight, will not be spared, with defense authorizers and
appropriators expected to scrutinize whether the Navy can
develop and produce its multibillion-dollar platforms within
cost goals.
Across the board, lawmakers are becoming increasingly
concerned that federal budget constraints will impede the Defense
Department from meeting its lofty vision of creating a high-tech
force capable of fighting a broad swath of threats, ranging
from large state enemies to terrorists, insurgents and other
unpredictable adversaries.
Just days after President Bush sent his sprawling
$439.3 billion defense budget to Congress, several Senate defense
authorizers were questioning Pentagon leaders on whether there
will be enough money in this era of federal belt-tightening
to meet all of the technological goals spelled out in the department’s
recently released Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR).
“We’re forcing the department,
both in the budget and in the QDR, to make resource-constrained,
budget-constrained decisions,” Sen. Joseph Lieberman,
D-Conn., said during a Senate Armed Services Committee hearing
Feb. 7. The Pentagon, he added, is putting Congress in the “untenable
position,” forcing lawmakers to either increase defense
spending dramatically or cut some programs.
“We’re in a transition period
now where all three services are bringing online platforms
that are going to sustain them for another generation,” Missouri
Republican Sen. Jim Talent, chairman of the Senate Armed Services
Seapower Subcommittee, said in an interview. “This reduction
comes at a very bad time.”
Budget pressures are strained even further
by burgeoning military personnel costs, due in large part to
skyrocketing Tricare healthcare costs and increased bonuses
for active and reserve military, said one senior Navy official.
That leaves acquisition dollars — considered the low-hanging
fruit in the Pentagon budget — the most likely target
for cuts.
“No one wants to get up and say we don’t
want to give benefits,” the official said. “You
end up closing any discretionary areas of funding.”
The official added he “absolutely” expects
pressure to be greater during budget hearings this year than
last, when defense authorizers capped the cost of the fifth
DD(X) at $2.3 billion. The House had recommended a more stringent
$1.7 billion cap, but succumbed to Senate pressure to set a
more attainable limit.
“That’s what everyone’s
preparing for — ways to make the prices more reasonable
and to clamp down on the pricing, rather than building more
advanced quality,” the official said.
For the Navy, budget constraints mean that
cost controls will go “hand in hand” with growing
its fleet from 285 to 313 ships during the next five years,
Talent said.
In this year’s round of budget talks,
Talent predicted that questions on acquisition reform in Congress,
the Navy and the shipbuilding industry will be central to the
debate, as opposed to the more traditional and parochial concerns
surrounding the make up of the fleet.
“If we don’t reverse this trend
[of escalating costs], we’ll be down to 200 ships,” he
said.
Republican Sen. Susan Collins, whose home
state of Maine has a strong Navy and shipbuilding presence,
agreed somewhat with Talent’s assessment, but added that
committing to a long-term shipbuilding plan is the key to reining
in those per-ship costs.
Shipbuilders have long bemoaned volatile and
ever-changing budgets, saying it frustrates their planning
processes and prevents them from keeping overhead and other
costs at reasonable levels.
“It’s the unpredictability of
funding that makes it difficult to plan in an efficient way,” Collins
said.
Former defense officials and budget analysts
also weighed in on the issue, stating that costs — perhaps
even more than strategic needs — will decide whether
the Navy gets its 313 ships.
“Controlling shipbuilding costs is going
to be a crucial element of reaching the [chief of naval operations’]
total force goals,” said former Pentagon comptroller
Dov Zakheim. “And I think that the Congress does share,
and will share, the concern about the size of the fleet.”
Of all the services, the Navy has the “cruelest
problem,” said Gordon Adams, former Office of Management
and Budget associate director of national security programs.
When you start getting into $3 billion for
the next-generation DD(X) destroyer or approximately $8 billion
plus design costs for the next-generation aircraft carrier “those
two programs alone are larger than the [shipbuilding and conversion]
budget for the Navy” in any single year, Adams said.
Marines Draw Lines of Command for Special
Ops
As the size and structure of the Marine Corps’ component
of the Special Operations Command comes into focus, uncertainties
remain about how command and control over the units will be
exercised. Several commanders will have authority to draw on
the resources of the new Marine unit.
“When that Marine Special Operations
Company (MSOC) deploys with a Marine Expeditionary Unit (MEU),
the intent is operational control will be with the Theater
Special Operations Commander, and tactical control will be
with the MEU,” said Brig. Gen. Dennis J. Hejlik, commander
of Marine Corps Special Operations Command, at a Pentagon press
round table.
Scalable in size and firepower, an MEU is
the Marines’ principal warfighting organization.
“What that means is the [theater commander]
has the ability to task different parts of them. If the MSOC
is not being used by the [theater commander], the MEU commander
can use them as necessary to increase the capabilities of the
MEU. We’re still working out those issues,” Hejlik
said.
Also to be worked out is the relationship
between the Special Operations Company and the Expeditionary
Strike Group commander.
“The intent is not just to rip the guts
out of the MEU,” Hejlik said. “We like to say that
they’re not separate, but separable.”
What is certain about Marine Special Operations
Command is that it will grow to 2,600 Marines during the next
five years — all taken from the service’s end strength.
The command was set to stand up Feb. 24 at Camp Lejeune, N.C.
Eventually, there will be two Marine Special
Operations Battalions, at Lejeune and Camp Pendleton, Calif.
Those battalions will comprise nine MSOCs, made up of about
97 to 118 Marines each. Four will be at Lejeune and five at
Pendleton, one of which will support III Marine Expeditionary
Force and Pacific Command in Okinawa. These companies will
have no dedicated aviation components, Hejlik said.
He said the Foreign Military Training Unit,
a component of the Marine Special Operations Command that will
provide training and advisors to foreign militaries, already
had three 12-man teams ready to go with the goal of having
24 ready by 2008. Hejlik said the first team probably would
deploy in the third quarter of 2006.
The core of the MSOCs will be the force reconnaissance
Marine, but through a Marine Special Operations Support Group,
also based in Lejeune, specialists in areas such as signal
intelligence, human intelligence and explosive ordnance disposal
could be added to the MSOCs as the missions require.
While Marines would train up to meet several
of the nine Special Operations core tasks, they will not train
to the level of Special Operations Command’s small mission
units.
Ideally, Hejlik said, Marines would spend
three to five years at Special Operation Command and then rotate
back to the “mainstream” Corps, though they would
have the option of staying in longer on a case-by-case basis.
According to Hejlik, the first MSOC will come
on line in May, train with the 26th MEU and deploy in late
2006.
“I firmly believe that this is the right
thing to do for the country at this time,” he said. “This
irregular warfare is here to stay.”
Coast Guard Seeks $934 Million for Deepwater
Coast Guard Commandant Adm. Thomas H. Collins
in early February sent Congress a review of the Revised Deepwater
Implementation Plan in conjunction with the president’s
2007 budget request.
The report contains a comparison between Coast
Guard legacy assets and Deepwater assets, a comprehensive explanation
of costs associated with Deepwater, and human resources needs.
The Integrated Deepwater System is a Coast
Guard effort to improve post-9/11 readiness by delivering platforms,
such as surface and aviation assets and communications and
logistics systems. The 25-year, $24 billion acquisition program
began in 1998.
The Coast Guard’s proposed changes for
2007 include increased funding for Deepwater assets — particularly
its Maritime Patrol Aircraft, Eagle Eye vertical-takeoff-and-landing
unmanned aerial vehicle and conversion of the HH-65 to a multimission
cutter helicopter — communications upgrades to the HC-130H
transport aircraft, expedited introduction of the more-capable
HC-130J to the fleet by one year, and increases to aviation
use of force, program management and logistics funding.
The report also lays out decreased costs for
some line items “to align with the Congressional appropriation
for fiscal year 2006.” This included sustainment of,
and upgrades to, the HH-60 helicopter, relating the reduction
to the increase in funding for the HH-65 that is seen as a “higher
operational priority.”
The total dollar increase for proposed changes
to the program for 2007 is approximately $200 million above
its budget estimate provided last summer. The Coast Guard’s
budget for 2007 includes $934 million for the Integrated Deepwater
System.
Intelligence Chief Awaits Report on Deep Red
Deep Red, the Navy’s new internal think
tank for tactical intelligence, will deliver a strategic report
in March to Rear Adm. Robert B. Murrett, director of Naval
Intelligence, to lay out its missions and goals.
Requested by the chief of naval operations
(CNO), the report is a key step toward establishing the purpose
and structure of one of the Navy’s newest offices, and
is being written with the advantage of more than a year of
experience working with the Office of Naval Intelligence (ONI)
and the “OpNav” staff that supports the CNO.
A counterpoint to the Navy’s better-known
Deep Blue office that engages in broader issues, Deep Red was
conceived in early 2004 by then-CNO Adm. Vern Clark who wanted
more intelligence analyses about potential adversaries. David
Cattler, program manager for Deep Red, told Seapower the office
was developed in response to Clark’s call for more information
on questions such as: “Who are my adversaries? What are
they influenced by? And how might they come at me?”
In November 2004, Deep Red initially comprised
a two-person office. But 10 billets, two military officers
and eight civilian posts, were added the following month. The
office staff is divided between Crystal City, Va., and the
Pentagon.
Cattler touts the small bureaucratic nature
of the organization and says collaboration on project-specific
assignments with ONI will increase in the future. He described
Deep Red’s role in the intelligence enterprise as providing “devil’s
advocacy for baseline intelligence decisions.”
Shipbuilding Ally Lott To Make Another Run
Mississippi Republican Sen. Trent Lott’s
decision last month to make another run for Congress is good
news for shipbuilders, who have long relied on the former majority
leader’s heft in Congress to push their programs through.
Maine colleague Susan Collins likewise said
his decision is a “very positive development” for
the supporters of Navy programs.
“He’s a great ally to have,” Collins
said, adding that she worked with Lott last year to successfully
push through language in the defense authorization bill that
blocks the single-shipyard approach for the DD(X) destroyer
program. The Navy plans to build DD(X) in Mississippi and Maine.
Lott, the former Senate majority leader who
also has served on the Armed Services Committee, will run for
his fourth term this year. He handily won his last election,
garnering 66 percent of the vote.
Reporting by Seapower Correspondent Megan
Scully. Associate Editor Matt Hilburn and Assistant Editor
David W. Munns contributed to this report.