| WASHINGTON
REPORT
Assault on Terrorism Planned Bush: 11 September Attacks Were "Acts
of War"
By GORDON I. PETERSON,
Senior Editor
Within hours of the horrific terrorist attacks on the twin towers of
the World Trade Center and the Pentagon on 11 September, President George
W. Bush launched a comprehensive and multifaceted campaign to safeguard
the United States, to identify and bring to justice those responsible
for the slaughter of more than 5,000 victims, and to eradicate the specter
of international terrorism.
"The deliberate and deadly attacks which were carried out yesterday
against our country were more than acts of terror," Bush said following
a meeting with his National Security Council on 12 September. "They
were acts of war."
Acting in his capacity as commander in chief in what has been described
as the first war of the 21st century, Bush approved a range of domestic,
military, and diplomatic actions to deal with the crisis, but he cautioned
the American people to be patient, saying the nation's campaign against
terrorism will take time and resolve.
"Victory against terrorism will not take place in a single battle," Bush
said during his weekly radio address on 15 September, "but in a
series of decisive actions against terrorist organizations and those
who harbor and support them."
Wanted, Dead or Alive
Bush and other members of his administration confirmed that Osama bin
Laden, said to be in hiding in Afghanistan with the approval of the country's
ruling Taliban cult, is a prime suspect in the terrorist attacks.
Secretary of State Colin Powell, the former four-star Army general and
chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff during the Persian Gulf War, also
made it clear that bin Laden was not the only suspect on the U.S. list
of those likely responsible for the most costly enemy attack on U.S.
soil since the surprise Japanese airstrike on Pearl Harbor 60 years ago.
Powell said that bin Laden could be compared to the chairman of the
board of a holding company that included "dozens of terrorist organizations" around
the world.
Bush refuted bin Laden's denial that he was responsible for the terrorist
attacks. "Osama bin Laden is a prime suspect," Bush said on
17 September, "and the people who house him, encourage him, and
provide food, comfort, or money are on notice."
Following a Department of Defense briefing on the mobilization of up
to 35,000 members of the National Guard and U.S. reserve components,
Bush told a group of defense correspondents at the Pentagon that bin
Laden reminded him of a wanted poster that was once displayed in the
Old West.
"It said, 'Wanted, Dead or Alive,'" Bush said. "All I want
and America wants is for him to be brought to justice."
An Assault Against Civilization
During the days immediately following the hijacking of the four commercial
airliners used in the barbaric strike against the international symbols
of U.S. commercial and military power, Bush reemphasized that his administration's
antiterrorism actions also would be aimed at nations providing sanctuary
to known international terrorists.
Meeting with the president and U.S. Attorney General John Ashcroft at
Camp David, Md., on 15 September, Powell said that he was pleased with
the international response to U.S. calls for support in the war on terrorism.
"I think every civilized nation in the world recognizes that this
was an assault not just against the United States, but against civilization," he
said. Preliminary casualty lists showed that citizens from more than 60
countries were lost or missing in the attacks on the World Trade Center.
Pakistan initially reported 650 missing. Great Britain listed approximately
100 dead and 200 missing. Chile claimed three dead and 250 missing.
NATO immediately reaffirmed its treaty commitment to the United States
following the attacks. At a meeting of the North Atlantic Council in
Brussels on 12 September, NATO Secretary General Lord Robertson said, "If
it is determined that this attack was directed from abroad against the
United States, it shall be regarded as an action covered by Article 5
of the Washington Treaty."
Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty states that an armed attack against
one or more NATO members shall be considered an attack against all.
Rep. Ike Skelton (D-Mo.), the ranking Democrat on the House Armed Services
Committee, expressed the mood of Congress in praising the Council's action. "If
we expect to win the war against these criminals and their ilk," Skelton
said, "all nations must work together to fight the scourge of international
terrorism."
International Rally of Support
The U.N. General Assembly also strongly condemned the attacks and issued
a Security Council resolution on 12 September calling on all nations
to work together urgently to bring to justice the perpetrators, organizers,
and sponsors of those responsible.
Within days of the attacks, Powell said that strong expressions of support
also had been received from many nations around the world. Beyond traditional
U.S. allies in NATO, the Americas and the Pacific, offers of assistance
were received from such countries as Syria, Pakistan, India, Saudi Arabia,
and Tunisia. The offers of assistance from Pakistan and India, observers
say, will be of material benefit to U.S. efforts to apprehend bin Laden.
Powell firmly and unequivocally underscored the president's determination
to carry the fight against international terrorism to those nations that
support or harbor known terrorists within their borders.
"If we find a particular country, especially ... [any] that might
be serving as a haven or is a well-known supporter of this kind of activity,
and they are simply unresponsive--and we deem that unresponsiveness to
be contributing to additional terrorism or to the fertile ground in which
terrorism thrives--then that will certainly affect the kind of relationship
we are going to have with them in the future," Powell said in a
State Department press briefing on 14 September.
"We are going to use all the tools and weapons at our disposal
to fight this campaign and win this war," Powell said.
Rumsfeld: "Sustained Effort"
Secretary of Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld told Pentagon reporters on 16
September that the war against the terrorist attackers would not be measured
in days or weeks. Rather, it would be a "broad, sustained effort," measured
in years, that would encompass U.S. diplomatic, political, economic,
and financial strength as well as U.S. military strength.
The national outpouring of grief, outrage, and patriotism that swept
the United States last month could leave no doubt that U.S. public opinion
is firmly behind the Bush administration's strategy for dealing with
the crisis. A New York Times/CBS News poll revealed that 85 percent of
Americans said the United States should take military action against
whoever is responsible for the attacks. Almost all respondents said they
would favor going to war with a nation that is harboring those responsible
for the attacks.
According to a Wall Street Journal/NBC News poll, a majority of Americans
surveyed also said they would accept a wide range of actions to fight
terrorism, including the stationing of armed marshals on commercial airliners.
The poll revealed that 81 percent also said the United States should
wait until it is "completely sure who is specifically responsible" before
retaliating. NBC pollster Peter Hart said the poll's results indicate
that U.S. citizens are willing to be patient as President Bush and his
advisors decide how to respond.
Swift Action from Congress
Congressional lawmakers of both parties rallied in a rare display of
political unity. An early joint resolution, introduced by Senate Majority
Leader Tom Daschle (D-S.D.) and cosponsored by all 100 U.S. Senators,
expressed the sense of the U.S. Senate and House of Representatives in
sending a message to the world that the United States would not be cowed
by the terrorists' attacks.
Later, Congress approved another joint resolution regarding the use
of military force in response to the terrorist attacks. Sen. Carl Levin
(D-Mich.) explained that the resolution would authorize the use of military
force even before the president or Congress knows with certainty who
was responsible for the events of 11 September.
"In doing so," Levin said, "we will be empowering the
president and expressing our strong support for him and for the men and
women in our armed forces."
Sen. John Warner (R-Va.) was equally forceful. "Regrettably, these
loathsome, cowardly acts of terrorism have deeply wounded our country,
but they have not and will never dull the spirit and resolution of the
American people," Warner said.
Bush: "Get Ready"
Vice President Dick Cheney revealed additional chilling details about
the terrorist attack during an appearance on NBC's "Meet the Press."
Cheney told viewers that the Secret Service had received a credible
threat against Air Force One at roughly the same time that the hijacked
American Airlines Flight 77 had crashed into the Pentagon. Told that
there was a real risk of additional attacks against Washington, D.C.,
because of a report that up to six aircraft had been hijacked, Bush approved
Cheney's recommendation to have Air Force F-16 aircraft intercept and,
as a last resort, shoot down any incoming aircraft that did not comply
with the order to move away from the city.
Bush told Cheney that he wanted to return to the White House immediately,
but Cheney counseled against it because of the real risk and incredible
confusion then rampant. According to Cheney, his own most important concern
was about presidential succession in the event of additional attacks
against the country. Describing the early hours of the crisis, Cheney
said, "We would have been absolute fools not to go into 'button-down'
mode."
Bush later delivered an unequivocal message to the nation's men and
women in uniform. Meeting with his senior advisors at Camp David to plan
the first steps in the nation's antiterrorist offensive, Bush again told
reporters that an act of war had been declared on the United States by
terrorists.
"My message for everybody who wears the uniform is to 'Get Ready,'" the
president said. *
Vieques: "Train as We Fight"
Rep. James V. Hansen (R-Utah) responds to questions from Senior Editor
Gordon I. Peterson on Navy and Marine Corps training on Vieques Island.
Sea Power: Why do you believe it is important for the Navy and Marine
Corps to have a single site to conduct the full spectrum of live-fire
training?
Hansen: During my 20 years of service on the House Armed Services Committee
[HASC], every military leader has testified that the military must "train
as we fight." If that principle is going to be anything other than
hollow words, it must include the ability for different units--from different
services, with different weapons--to train together in realistic scenarios
under the increased tension and danger inherent in live-fire conditions.
Combined-arms live-fire training is the final exam, and our nation should
never again allow that exam to be conducted under the sights of enemy
guns.
What accounts for your opposition to the referendum in November that
would allow voters on Vieques to determine the future of the Navy's ranges?
I have consistently opposed the idea that fundamental national security
matters should be subject to the whims of a local referendum. I strongly
opposed President Clinton's decision to set this dangerous precedent,
and I hope that President Bush will support our efforts to repeal this
bad idea. Our Constitution does not envision each state or territory
setting its own national security policy--or each community limiting
how the military can train on federal lands set aside for that purpose.
How do you think the full House will receive the proposals for Vieques
that are contained in the HASC markup of the Defense Authorization Act?
Our legislation does two things. First, it repeals the requirement for
the local referendum, as requested by the secretary of the Navy and the
president. Second, it requires the Navy and Marine Corps to identify
an alternative range that is both equivalent and available before they
can depart Vieques. This requirement is fully consistent with testimony
from Navy leaders. I am confident that a majority of my colleagues will
see this as both good security policy and plain common sense.
Do you expect the Navy's current study to address all issues of interest
to the HASC?
I hope so. We have already met with representatives from CNA [Center
for Naval Analyses] and plan to meet soon with the distinguished officers
who are leading the review. While each of these leaders has my full confidence,
I do hope to share some of my concerns with them. In particular, I think
it is critical that any review starts by assessing the military capabilities
we need to field and the training requirements necessary to fully meet
these needs. Only then can we compare current training at Vieques--and
all alternatives--to this standard.
Realistic assessments of issues such as cost, schedule, local and environmental
regulations, impact on training cycles and tempo, and overall effect
on predeployment combat readiness also must be included. I also am concerned
that their work not "dumb down" training requirements in order
to fit a less capable alternative training site than Vieques. That kind
of lowering of the bar--especially regarding live-fire and combined-arms
training--would have dangerous repercussions for military operations
across the country and around the world.
In the end, what do you see as the "best case" for resolving
the Vieques impasse?
Rather than "best case," I prefer to think of the "bottom
line." The best case would depend on one's agenda, and there are
too many already at play. The bottom line for me is realistic training
of our Navy and Marine Corps team.
The CNO [chief of naval operations] and the commandant [of the Marine
Corps] have both testified that this training saves lives and without
it many would perish. I hope we can all put other agendas aside and
focus on that reality. If we can provide quality realistic training at
another location, so be it. But if we cannot, or if some critical portion
of the training would be sacrificed, we should be prepared to stay in
Vieques and improve our relations with our fellow American citizens.
Public health and safety should never be put at risk. They are not
on Vieques, but the military must commit to do more. They can and should
be--and in most cases are--better neighbors, worthy of the trust and
support of surrounding communities. If the president, the secretary
of defense, and the Congress were prepared to make that case, I still
believe that the majority of the patriotic citizens of Puerto Rico
would support them.
How serious is the problem of civilian encroachment on military training
facilities and ranges?
The problem of encroachment on military training facilities and ranges
is one of the most serious and complex problems facing the Pentagon
today. The natural frictions of civilian growth around even our most
remote bases have always been issues, but they can usually be managed
through local communication and cooperation. Planning night-flying at
our fighter bases to reduce noise is a good example of a low-cost local
workaround.
Lately, though, I have seen the issue get much more complex and organized
in two critical areas. We have seen increased political pressure--from
Vieques, to Okinawa and Korea--where a vocal minority of the population
does not want a U.S. military presence. It is very disturbing that
some of these protests are supported by government leaders and others
hostile to American security interests, such as Cuba's Fidel Castro
and Iraq's Saddam Hussein.
The other new threat is the proliferation of litigation and overzealous
application of environmental laws and regulations. In many of these
cases, the military is effectively punished for its excellent stewardship
of the resources entrusted to them. Many of our military installations
are important sanctuaries for wildlife precisely because of the care
they take, and the substantial financial investment they make, in managing
these lands. National security needs to be restored to an equal status
with environmental protection when our nation makes these decisions
before the next endangered species is the well- trained American Soldier,
Sailor, Airman, and Marine. |