By
GORDON I. PETERSON
Senior Editor
Sen. Olympia J.
Snowe (R-Maine), chairwoman of the Senate Armed Services Committee's
prestigious Subcommittee on Seapower, set a fast pace for her fellow
lawmakers during this year's legislative budget cycle. Snowe, who was
elected to the Senate in 1994 after representing Maine's Second
Congressional District for eight terms in the U.S. House of
Representatives, held a series of five hearings in March and April to
explore all dimensions of the Navy's shift to a post-Cold War strategy.
In her view, the planning and conduct of these hearings represented a
highlight of the legislative year for her committee.
"The
record that we built," Snowe told Sea Power,
"establishes or validates programmatic priorities for the Navy to
control the chaotic battlespaces of the future with precision-tracking
and targeting technologies." As the first authorization or
appropriations panel in Congress to mark and produce a bill on seapower
issues, Snowe's subcommittee added more than one billion dollars to the
combined Navy and Marine Corps procurement request for a total of $19
billion. More than $251 million was added to the Department's research
and development accounts, bringing them to a total of $9.61 billion.
This, in Snowe's view, set a high standard for the entire budget cycle.
"Each of
these procurement and research initiatives," Snowe said, "will
speed the evolution of the fleet from an open-ocean battle service to a
more flexible combat organization with improved capabilities to strike
inland enemy targets and to operate in shallow waters."
Snowe's worries
over current ship build-and-buy rates influenced the decision of
House-Senate conferees to require the secretary of defense to submit--by
1 February 2000--a long-range shipbuilding plan (including requirements,
funding, and associated risks) through FY 2030. "At the current
construction rate of six or seven ships per year," Snowe stated,
"the total fleet size would fall substantially below 300 vessels
after 2005." As the Seapower Subcommittee's hearings established
last spring, the Navy will face a 53-ship deficit in the 2020 time frame
if the Department of Defense (DOD) does not build a minimum of eight new
ships per year over the next two decades. "I am gravely concerned
about the risks associated with a fleet of less than 300 ships,"
Snowe said.
Snowe agrees
with Chief of Naval Operations Adm. Jay L. Johnson that evidence
stemming from current deployment rates and emerging regional threats
should prompt the Navy to consider whether it needs more, not fewer,
than the 305 ships specified in the 1997 Quadrennial Defense Review. She
emphasized that witnesses before her subcommittee's hearings testified
that intensified contingency operations during the past year strained
the Navy's resources and personnel--even under today's level of 324
ships. Snowe noted that Navy and Marine Corps contingency deployments
overseas have swelled to one every five weeks during the 1990s--compared
to one every 11 weeks during the entire Cold War period. "So we
have asked the fleet to do much more with less," Snowe said.
Snowe told Sea
Power that her subcommittee would hold future administrations
accountable for budgeting the funds necessary to sustain a fleet of at
least 300 ships. The Seapower Subcommittee also will explore the issue
of the fleet's optimum size in future hearings. In her view, two factors
suggest that more ships may be needed in the future: (1) the unrelenting
pace of the Navy's contingency deployments; and (2) the likelihood that
the Navy will be faced with contingency or wartime missions in several
locations simultaneously during the age of littoral warfare.
Snowe was
deeply impressed by the professionalism and commitment displayed by the
Sailors and Marines she observed during visits to the nuclear-powered
aircraft carrier USS Enterprise, the guided-missile cruiser USS Gettysburg,
and the mine-countermeasures ship USS Ardent during their
operations in the Persian Gulf earlier this year. "They amazed me
with their discipline and dedication," she said.
Top sea-service
officials told Sea Power that they were equally impressed with
Snowe's first year at the helm of the Seapower Subcommittee.
"Senator Snowe's active leadership ÿ has been extremely important
to the Navy as we work to maintain our warfighting readiness under
challenging conditions and as we make key program decisions to
recapitalize the Navy of the 21st century," said Johnson. "She
understands our issues and programs, spends considerable time listening
to our men and women during fleet visits to our forward-deployed forces,
and provides key leadership to this most important Subcommittee."
[Ed. Note: See next month's Sea Power for a follow-on report on Sen.
Snowe's outlook on critical sea-service issues.]
U.S., Japan
Sign Missile Defense MOU
The United
States and Japan announced on 16 August that they have signed a
memorandum of understanding (MOU) on joint-technology research for Navy
Theater Wide Ballistic Missile Defense. According to DOD, the agreement
calls for the two countries to conduct analysis, preliminary design, and
risk-reduction experiments. These collaborative efforts would lead to
the design specification and technology selection for the four agreed
missile sub-components due to be integrated into the Navy's Standard
Missile's latest derivative, the SM-3. According to DOD, the agreement,
the culmination of several years of discussion, recognizes the benefits
of cooperative research that contributes to enhancing the credibility of
the U.S.-Japan security arrangement.
In a related
development, a new intelligence report issued by the National
Intelligence Council on 9 September at the request of Congress predicts
that China will have tens of long-range missiles targeted against the
United States within 15 years--having added more survivable land- and
sea-based mobile missiles with smaller nuclear warheads to its
intercontinental arsenal.
According to
James Risen of the New York Times, the report is the strongest
statement yet by U.S. intelligence officials on the value to China of a
long campaign of nuclear espionage. The report also states that Iran
could test a ballistic missile capable of striking the United States
with small nuclear warheads in the second half of the next decade.
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